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Of the same period are a board Add. In some of the waxed tablets lately recovered at Pompeii the pages which have been left in the plain wood are inscribed in ink. In England the custom of using wooden tallies, inscribed as well as notched, in the public accounts lasted down to a recent date.

Such waxed tablets were single, double, triple, or of several pieces or leaves. The wooden 1 See Peme Hgyptoiogique, ii. Described by Kenyon in Journ. Hellenic Studies, xxix , I fir. Haincr, vi ; Wattenbach,. RangaW Antig. MiAfla appears to have been wax mixed with tar Of Aristoph. Tablets were used for literary composition, 1 school exercises, accounts, or rough memoranda. They were sometimes fitted with slings for suspension. In Homer we have an instance of the use of a tablet in the death-message of King Proetus, graving in a folded tablet many deadly things.

On Greek vases of the fifth and fourth centuries B. Hence they were used for legal documents, conveyances and wills, and for correspondence. When used for wills, each page was technically called cent, as in Gaius, ii. Horace, Sut. Martial, xiv. A- lii. Horace, Sat. As to correspondence, small tablets, nnlb- dli 1 or f,,! Thus Seneca, Ep.

The tablets were sent by messengers, tabdlarii, as explained by Festus 3 : Tabellis pro chartis utebantur antiqui, quibus ultro citro, sive privatim sive publice opus erat, certiores absentes faciebant. Unde adhuc tabellarii dicuntur, et tabellae missae ab imperatoribus. Love-letters appear to have been sometimes written on very small tablets. Tablets containing letters were fastened with a thread, which was sealed. The materials for letterwriting are enumerated in the passage of Plautus, Bacchides, iv.

In Cicero, Catil. Primo ostendimus Cethego signum ; cognovit; nos linum incidimus; legimus. Introductus est Statilius; cognovit et signum et manum suam. The custom of writing letters on tablets survived for some centuries after classical times. In the fifth century St. Augustine in his epistle to Romanianus Migne, Patroloy. Tabellas eburneas quas habeo avunculo tuo cum litteris misi. Tu enim huic pelliculae facilius ignosces, quia differri non potuit quod ei scripsi, et tibi non scribere etiam ineptissimum existimavi.

Sed tabellas, si quae ibi nostrae sunt, propter huiusmodi necessitates mittas peto. Even as late as the year a letter in tabella was written by a monk of Fulda. See also Catullus, xlii. Muller, p. Jerome, Ep. Unde ct portitores eoruin tabellarios et scriptores a libris ai-liorum libraries vocavcre. Augustine refers to his tablets as being of ivory. The ancient tablets were ordinarily of common wood, such as beech, or fir, or box, the vulgaris buxus of Propertius iii.

Propertius 1. The large consular diptychs, as we know from existing specimens, were of ivory, often elaborately carved. The employment of waxed tablets lasted for certain purposes through the middle ages in countries of Western Europe. Specimens inscribed with money accounts of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries have survived to the present day in France ; l and municipal accounts on tablets of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are still preserved in some of the German towns.

They also exist in Italy, 2 dating from the thirteenth or fourteenth century. They were used in England and also in Ireland. In the British Museum are some which have been found in Egypt. The most perfect is a book Add. Another smaller book, of about 7 by 4 inches, formed of six leaves Add. There are also two tablets inscribed with verses in Greek uncial writing, possibly some 1 See Recueil des Histonens des? Omont in Bu. Four tablets, of the fourteenth century, found at BeauvaU, are in the Bibliotheque Nationale. The Bodleian Library has also purchased a waxed tablet Gr.

Others are at Paris ; some containing scribbled alphabets and a contractor s accounts, which were found at Memphis. At Geneva there is a tablet of the sixth century containing accounts, and verses of Psalm xci, probably a charm. The whole collection is given in the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. During the excavations at Pompeii in July, , a box containing waxed tablets, of the years A.

Caecilius Jucundus. They proved to be perscriptioneu and other deeds connected with auctions and tax-receipts. Studies, xiii , Nicole, Textefs grecs inedits de Centre, Archaeology, xxvi ; and a leaf of a diptych, containing a veteran s discharge, A. Accadenv a dei Lincei, ser. The whole collection has been edited by Zangemeister in the C. See Pal. Like the military tabulae honc. But most of them consist of three leaves : they are triptychs, the third leaf being of great service in giving cover to the seals.

The Pompeian and Dacian tablets differ from one another in some particulars ; but the general arrangement was as follows. The triptych was made from one block of wood, cloven into the three required pieces or leaves, which were held together by strings or wires passing through two holes near the edge and serving for hinges.

In the Pompeian tablets, one side of each leaf that is, pages. On page 4 a vertical groove was cut down the centre to receive the witnesses seals, and the surface of the page was generally left plain ; but in some instances it was waxed on the right, in some on both the right and the left, of the groove. On pages 2 and 3 was inscribed the authentic deed, and the first two leaves were then bound round with a string of three twisted threads, which passed along the groove and was held in place by two notches cut in the edges of the leaves at top and bottom.

The witnesses seals were then sunk in the groove, thus further securing the string, and their names were written on the right, either in ink or with the stilus. An abstract or copy of the deed was inscribed on page 5, and was thus left open to inspection.

The Dacian tablets differed in this respect, that page 4 was also waxed, and that the copy of the deed was commenced on that page in the space on the left of the groove, the space on the right being filled, as usual, with the witnesses names. Further, the string was passed, as an additional security, through two holes, at top and bottom of the groove, in accordance with a senatus consultum of A. A similar usage obtained among the Greeks in Egypt, and by inference, as it may be presumed, in Hellas itself.

Deeds of the early Ptolemaic period have survived, written on papyrus in duplicate, the upper deed the original being rolled up. Eubensohn, Elephantine Papyri in Aegypt. Urkunden aus den kgl. In the British Museum papyri Nos. This seems to show that the holes were first pierced in the solid block, before it was cloven into three, in order that they might afterwards adjust themselves accurately. In one instance the fastening threads and seals still remain. These were waxed only on the inner pages, 2 and 3, and no groove was cut for the seals, which were therefore impressed on the flat surface.

It is interesting to find that tablets of this series have dockets on the edges, proving that they were dropped vertically into the box in which they were kept. Papyrus The papyrus plant, Cyperut Papyrus, which supplied the substance for the great writing material of the ancient world, was widely cultivated in the Delta of Egypt.

From this part of the country it has now vanished, but it still grows in Nubia and Abyssinia. Plant, iv. Theophrastus describes the plant as one which grows in the shallows to the height of six feet, with a triangular and tapering stem crowned with a tufted head ; the root striking out at right angles to the stem and being of the thickness of a man s wrist. The tufted heads were used for garlands in the temples of the gods ; of the wood of the root were made various utensils ; and of the stem, the pith of which was also used as food, a variety of articles, including writing material, were manufactured : caulking yarn, ships rigging, light skiffs, shoes, etc.

As a writing material papyrus was employed in Egypt from the earliest times. Papyrus rolls are represented on the sculptured walls of Egyptian temples ; and rolls themselves exist of immense antiquity. A papyrus containing accounts of King Assa, about B. The dry atmosphere of Egypt has been specially favourable to the preservation of these fragile documents. Buried with the dead, they have lain in the tombs or swathed in the folds of the mummy-cloths for centuries, untouched by decay, and in many instances remain as fresh as on the day when they were written.

Egypt, i. Herodotus, v. Their neighbours, the Assyrians, were also acquainted with it. There is a recorded instance of papyrus being sent from Egypt to Phoenicia in the eleventh century B. Two rolls, xaprai bvo, cost at the rate of a drachma and two obols each, or a little over a shilling of our money. The period of its first importation into Italy is not known. The story of its introduction by Ptolemy, at the suggestion of Aristarchus, is of suspicious authenticity.

We know that papyrus was plentiful in Rome under the Empire, and that it had at that period become so indispensable that a temporary failure of the supply in the reign of Tiberius threatened a general interruption of the business of daily life. It is probable that papyrus wr as imported into Italy already manufactured ; for it is doubtful whether the plant grew in that country.

Strabo, indeed, says that it was found in Lake Trasimene and other lakes of Etruria ; but the accuracy of this statement has been disputed. Still, it is a fact that there was a manufacture of this writing material carried on in Rome, the charta Fanniana being an instance ; but it has been asserted that this industry was confined to the remaking of imported material.

The more brittle condition of the Latin papyri, as compared with the Greek papyri, found at Herculaneum, has been ascribed to the detrimental effect of this remanufacture.

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In each case one of the scribes is using a folding tablet the hinges of one being distinctly represented , and the other a scroll. The scroll may be either papyrus or leather. Sprache, xxxviii , 1. It was seen there by the Arab traveller, Ibn-Haukal, A. Paper was made from this source for the use of the Emir ; but in the thirteenth century the plant began to fail, and it was finally extinguished by the draining of the stream in It is still, however, to be seen growing in the neighbourhood of Syracuse, but was probably transplanted thither at a later time, for no mention of it in that place occurs earlier than Some attempts have U-eii made in recent years to manufacture a writing material on the pattern ofthe ancient charta from this Sicilian plant.

His description applies specially to the system of his own day ; but no doubt it was essentially the same as had been followed for centuries. His text is far from clear, and there are consequently many divergences of opinion on different points. The stem of the plant, after removal of the rind, was cut longitudinally into thin strips philyrae, sciosurae with a sharp cutting instrument described as a needle acus.

The old idea that the strips were peeled off the inner core of the stem is now abandoned, as it has been shown that the plant, like other reeds, contains a cellular pith within the rind, which was all used in the manufacture. The central strips were naturally the best, being the broadest. The strips thus cut were laid vertically upon a board, side "by side, to the required width, thus forming a layer, scheda, across which another layer of shorter strips was laid at right angles. Pliny applies to the process the phraseology of net or basket making. The two layers formed a net , playula, or wicker , crates, which was thus woven , texitur.

In this process Nile water was used for moistening the whole. The special mention of this particular water has caused some to believe that there were adhesive properties in it which acted as a paste or glue on the material ; others, more reasonably, have thought that water, whether from the Nile or any other source, solved the glutinous matter in the strips and thus caused them to adhere.

It seems, however, more probable that paste 1 See G. But Pliny distinctly uses the word philyrae for the strips, although lie elsewhere describes the inner bark of the lime tree by this name ; and sclieda for a layer, i. Another name for the strips was inae. Birt with others also describes the plagula or sheet of papyrus by the Greek word ffeXis, which, however, is rather a page or column of writing.

In his more recent work, Die Biickrolk in der Kunst , he suggests Assume as an emendation of philijrae. Spots, stains, and spongy strips tueniae , in which the ink would run, were defects which also had to be encountered. There are, however, rolls of more than twenty sheets, so that, if Pliny s reading vicinae is correct, the number was not constant in all times.

Moreover, an author need not be limited in the length of his book, and could increase the roll by adding more sheets ; but, of course, he would avoid making it inconveniently bulky. The outside of the roll was naturally that part which was more exposed to risk of damage and to general wear and tear. The best sheets were therefore reserved for this position, those which lay nearer the centre or end of the rolled-up roll not being necessarily so good.

Besides, the end of a roll was not wanted in case of a short text, and might be cut away. A protecting strip of papyrus was often pasted along the margin at the beginning or end of a roll, in order to give additional strength to the material and prevent it tearing. Among the Romans the protocol-sheet was inscribed with the name of the Comes largitionum, who had the control of the manufacture, and with the date and name of the place where it was made.

Such certificates, styled protocols , were in vogue both in the Roman and Byzantine periods in Egypt. They were in ordinary practice cut away ; but this curtailment was forbidden in legal documents by the 1 Birt, , points out, in regard to Pliny s words, turbidus liquor vim glutinia praebet, that glutinis is not a genitive but a dative, Pliny never using the word gl iiten , but glutinum.

Birt, Buchrolle. But this practica would apply only to rolls intended for the market, which would need a finishing touch. Papyri, Wilcken, in Hermes, xxiii. See the Harris Homer, Brit. Papyrus cvii. A Greek document of A. Royal Prussian Academy, Sitsungsber. No Roman protocol has hitherto come to light. The few extant specimens of the Byzantine period are written in a curious, apparently imitative, script formed of rows of close-set perpendicular strokes.

This script may possibly be an attempt of scribes to copy older, Roman, protocols, the meaning of which had been forgotten. The normal protocol of the Arab period consists of bilingual inscriptions in Greek and Arabic, accompanied with sections or blocks of the above-mentioned imitative script ranged to right and left, as if ornaments to fill spaces in the lines. The height of the early Greek papyri of Homer and Hyperides in the British Museum runs generally from J to 12 inches; the papyrus of Bacchylides measures under 10 inches.

From Pliny we learn that there were various qualities of writing material made from papyrus and that they differed from one another in size. The best kind. The charta Livia, or second quality, was named after his wife. The h! The charta aanphitheatrica, of 9 digits or 6 inches, took its title from the principal place of its manufacture, the amphitheatre of Alexandria. The Saitira was a common variety, named after the city of Sais, being of about 8 digits or 5 inches. His views are disputed by C. Bell, Archie fur Papyrusforschtmg, v. Several specimens of Byzantine and Arab protocols are in the British Museum.

See Cat. Finally, there were the Tacniotica which was said to have taken its name from the place where it was made, a tongue of land rairia near Alexandria and the common packing-paper, charta emporetica, neither of which was more than 5 inches wide. Mention is made by Isidore, Eiipnol. Cornelius Gallus when prefect of Egypt. But the name may have disappeared from the vocabulary when Gallus fell into disgrace. It was a made-up material, combining the Auyuata and Livia, to provide a stout substance.

Finally, there was a large-sized quality, of a cubit or nearly 18 inches in width, called macTOcollon. Ta range chiefly between 8 and 12 inches in width, the larger number being of 10 inches. Of smaller sizes, a certain proportion are between 5 and 6 inches. He may have been misled from having found no reference to its use in pre-Alexandrine authors; or he may have meant to say that its first free manufacture was only of that date, as it was previously a government monopoly. Papyrus continued to be the ordinary writing material in Egypt to a comparatively late period ; 3 it was eventually superseded by the excellent paper of the Arabs.

In Latin literature it was gradually displaced in the early centuries of our era by the growing employment of vellum, which, by the fourth century had practically superseded it. But it still lingered in Europe under various conditions. Long after vellum had become the principal writing material, especially for literary purposes, papyrus continued in use, particularly for ordinary documents, such as letters.

Augustine, Ep. Omont in llev. Ardieolugique, xix ], Examples, made up in codex form, sometimes with a few vellum leaves incorporated to give stability, are found in different libraries of Europe. They are : The Homilies of St. Avitus, of the sixth century, at Paris ; Sermons and Epistles of St. Augustine, of the sixth or seventh century, at Paris and Geneva ; works of Hilary, of the sixth century, at Vienna; fragments of the Digests, of the sixth century, at Pommersfeld ; the Antiquities of Josephus, of the seventh century, at Milan ; an Isidore, of the seventh century, at St.

At Munich, also, is the register of the Church of Ravenna, written on this material in the tenth century. Many papyrus documents in Latin, dating from the fifth to the tenth century, have survived from the archives of Ravenna; and there are extant fragments of two imperial rescripts written in Egypt, apparently in the fifth century, in the Roman chancery hand "which is otherwise unknown.

In the papal chancery, following the usage of the imperial court of Byzantium, papyrus appears to have been employed down to the middle of the eleventh century. Twenty-three papal bulls on this material have survived, ranging from A. They were in use among the Egyptians as early as the time of Cheops, in the fourth dynasty, ilocmnents written on skins at that period being referred to or copied in papyri of later date.

But the country which not only manufactured but also exported in abundance the writing material made from the papyrus plant hardly needed to make use of other material, and skin-rolls written in Egypt must, at all times, have been rare. In Western Asia the practice of writing on skins was doubtless both ancient and widespread. The Jews made use of them for their sacred books, and, probably also for their other literature : to the present day they employ them for their synagogue-rolls.

It may be presumed that their neighbours the Phoenicians also availed themselves of the same kind of writing material. The Persians inscribed their 1 II. Ornont, Eulles Pantif. Franc, v. Birch, ii. The method of preparing skins to serve as writing material in those distant ages is unknown to us, but, judging from early Hebrew rolls, it probably extended only to a general system of tanning and a more careful treatment of the surface which was to receive the writing ItO was probably at no time the custom to write on the back as well as on the face of a roll.

Parchment and Vellum The introduction of parchment, or vellum as it is now more generally termed, that is to say, skins prepared in such a way that they could be written upon on both sides, cannot properly be called an invention ; it was rather an extension of, or improvement upon, the old practice. The common story, as told by Pliny, Nat. The Pergamene king, thus thwarted, was forced to fall back again upon skins ; and thus came about the manufacture of vellum : Mox aemulatione circa bibliothecas regum Ptolemaei et Eumenis, supprimente chartas Ptolemaeo, idem Varro membranas Pergami tradit repertas.

T]vi], cJturta Pergamena. The title Pergamena first occurs in the edict of Diocletian, A. Jerome s epistle, quoted in the footnote. The word which afterwards designated a vellum MS. Et si alicubi Ptolemaeus maria clausisset, tamen rex Attalus membranas a Ptrgamo miserat, ut jienuria chartae pellibus pensaretur.

Uncle et Pergamenarum nomen ad huiic usque diem, tradente sibi invicem posteritate, servatum est. Others, such as swine and asses, provided material for particular purposes; and even rarer creatures, such as antelopes, are said to have been selected for more delicate and costly volumes. It is only reasonable to assume that any skin of suitable quality would be brought under manufacture. But in the course of time, a distinction arose between the coarser and finer qualities of prepared skins ; and, while parchment made from ordinary skins of sheep and goats continued to bear the name, the finer material produced from the calf or kid, or even from the newly-born or still-born calf or lamb, came to be generally known as vellum, material of the skin manuscripts of the middle ages being generally of the finer kind, it has come to be the practice to describe them as of vellum, although in some instances they may be really composed of parchment.

The modern process of manufacture, washing, liming, scraping, stretching, rubbing with chalk and pumice, probably differs but little in principle from the ancient system. As to the early use of vellum among the Greeks and Romans, little evidence is to be obtained from the results of excavations. No specimens have been recovered at Herculaneum or Pompeii, and very few of early date in E. The general account of its introduction thither evidently suggested by Varro s earlier story of the first use of itis that Ptolemy, at the suggestion of Aristarchus the grammarian, having sent papyrus to Rome, Crates the grammarian, out of rivalry, induced Attalus of Pergamum to send vellum.

The advantages of the vellum book over the papyrus roll are obvious : it was in the more convenient form of the codex ; it could be rewritten ; and the leaves could receive writing on both sides. Martial enumerates, among his Apojthoreta, vellum MSS. Mommsen, inscr. The same writer also recommends the convenience of vellum to the traveller who desires to carry with him the poet s works in a compact form. From the dearth of classical specimens and from the scanty number of early mediaeval MSS.

There are no records to show its relative value in comparison with papyrus ; but there may be some reason for the view that vellum was in Martial s time of comparatively little worth, and was chiefly used as a poor material for rough drafts and common work. A few stray leaves of vellum codices of the first centuries of our era have been found in Egypt. A leaf of a MS. Other fragments are of the third century. Papyrus had been so long the recognized material for literary use that the slow progress of vellum as its rival may be partly ascribed to natural conservatism and the jealousy of the book trade.

It was particularly the influence of the Christian Church that eventually carried vellum into the front rank of writing materials and in the end displaced papyrus. As papyrus had been the principal material for receiving the thoughts of the pagan world, vellum was to be the great medium for conveying to mankind the literature of the new religion. Independently of the adoption of vellum as a literary vehicle, which will be considered when we have to describe the change in the form of the ancient book from the roll to the codex, its mere durability recommended it to an extent that fragile papyrus could in no way pretend Qui tecura cupis esse meos ubicumque libellos Et comites longae quaeris habere viae, Hos erne quos artiit brevibus membrana tabellis : Scrinia da magnis, me manus una capit.

He has rather overstated his case ; and his views have not passed without challenge. And St. It may be stated oenerallv that in the most ancient MSS. In Italy a highly polished surface seems at most periods to have been in favour ; hence in the MSS. In contrast to this are the instances of soft vellum. A good example ot delicate material is found in Add.

In the fifteenth century the Italian vellum o Renaissance is often of extreme whiteness and purity. Vellum was also of great service in the ornamentation of books. Martial s vellum MS. Isidore, Orlg. Candida naturaliter existunt. Luteum membranum bicolor est, quod a confectore una tingitur parte, id est, crocatur De quo Persius iii.

Museum, pt. A vellum wrapper was more suitable than one of papyrus to resist constant handling. Ovid finds a bright colour unsuited to his melancholy book, Trist. Martial s lilellux viii. In Tibullus iii. We do not know how soon was introduced the extravagant practice of producing sumptuous volumes written in gold or silver upon purplestained vellum. It was a MS. Against luxury of this nature St. Jerome directed the often-quoted words in his preface to the Book of Job : Habeant qui volunt veteres libros vel in membranis purpureis auro argentoque descriptor vel uncialibus, ut vulgo aiunt, litteris, onera magis exarata quam codices ; and again in his Ep.

The art of staining or dyeing vellum with purple or similar colour was practised chiefly in Constantinople, and also in Rome ; but MSS. Of these the best known are : Portion of the Book of Genesis, in Greek, in the Imperial Library at Vienna, written in silver letters and illustrated with a series of coloured drawings of the greatest interest for the history of the art of the period ; of the sixth century. Petersburg Cod. N , and leaves of which have been long preserved in the British Museum, at Vienna, Rome, and in large numbers at Patmos ; also of the sixth century.

Matthew and St. Mark, written in silver in the sixth century. Germain who died A. The Metz Evangeliarium at Paris, of the same style and period. The Latin Gospels of the Hamilton collection, now in the library of Mr. Pierpont Morgan, which has been assigned to the eighth century.

Cronin, Haseloff, ; also in colours by A. Muiioz, Omont, Batiffol, Tischendorf, Hon. Aovo Coll. Tischendorf, A facsimile of the Dublin leaf is in Par Palimpsest. Dublin, ed. Abbott, English ed. Hoskier, The practice of inserting single leaves of purple-stained vellum for the ornamentation of MSS. A beautiful example is seen in the fragmentary Latin Gospels from Canterbury Brit.

Other colours, besides purple, were also employed ; and instances occur in MSS. Such examples are, however, to be considered merely as curiosities. A still more sumptuous mode of decoration than even that by purplestaining seems to have been occasionally followed. This consisted in gilding the entire surface of the vellum. But the expense must have been too great to allow of more than very few leaves being so treated in any MS.

Fragments of two leaves thus gilt, and adorned with painted designs, are preserved in the British Museum, Add. They originally formed part of tables of the Eusebian Canons and preliminary matter for a copy of the Greek Gospels, of the sixth century. Its manufacture spread through their empire ; and it received one of its mediaeval titles, charta Damaecena, from the fact of Damascus beingone of the centres of paper commerce.

The Harlcy MS. In recent times it has also been generally styled cotton-paper, that is, paper made from the wool of the cotton plant. This last quality seems to have gained for it one of its titles, charta aerica. But it does not appear to have been used to any great extent even in Greece before the middle of the thirteenth century, if one may judge from the survival of so few early Greek MSS.

On the expulsion of the Moors, an inferior quality was produced by the less skilled Christians. From Sicily the manufacture passed over into Italy. Here we must pause a moment to revert to the question of the material of which oriental paper was made. As already stated, its early European names point to the general idea that it was made of cotton. But recent investigations have thrown doubts on the accuracy of this view ; and a careful analysis of many early samples has proved that, although cotton was occasionally used, no paper that has been examined is entirely made of that substance, in most instances hemp or flax being substantially the material.

Hendrie, , p. The earliest MSS. Gardthausen, Griecli. Karabacek, bus arabische raider, in Mittheihmgen aus der Sammhm der Papyrus Erzherzorj Eainer, ii-iii. A more satisfactory means of distinguishing the two kinds of paper is afforded by the employment of water-marks in European paper, a practice which was unknown to the oriental manufacturer. Several examples survive of the use of oriental paper, or paper made in the oriental fashion, for Western- European documents and MSS.

The oldest recorded document was a deed of Count Roger of Sicily of the year ; the most ancient extant document is an order of the Countess Adelaide, widow of Roger and regent for her son Roger II, in Greek and Arabic, A. The oldest known imperial deed on paper is a charter of Frederic II to the nuns of Goess, in Styria, of A Visigothic paper MS.

Arundel , written in Italy, of the first half of the thirteenth century ; and at Munich the autograph MS. In several cities and towns of Italy there exist registers on paper dating back to the thirteenth century. A register of the hustings court of Lyme Regis, now in the British Museum, which begins with entries of the year , is on paper which was probably imported from Spain or Bordeaux, such as that employed for the Bordeaux customs register of the beginning of the reign of Edward II now in the Record Office.

La Mantia, llprimo clocumento in carta, ; Bibl EC. Schwandner, Charta Lined, There is evidence of a paper trade at Genoa as early as The jurist Bartolo, in his treatise De insigniis et armis, mentions the excellent paper made there in the fourteenth century. From the northern towns of Italy a trade was carried on with Germany, where also factories were rapidly founded in the fourteenth century.


Calaméo - An Introduction to Greek and Latin Palaeography

France borrowed the art of paper-making from Spain, whence it was introduced, it is said, as early as , into the district of Herault. The North of Europe, at first supplied from the South, gradually took up the manufacture. England drew her supplies, no doubt, at first from such trading ports as Bordeaux and Genoa ; but even in the fourteenth century it is not improbable that she had a rough home-manufacture of her own. A knowledge of the appearance of paper and of water-marks of different periods is of great assistance in assigning dates to undated paper MSS.

In the fourteenth century European paper is usually stout, and was made in frames composed of thick wires which have left 1 Quales quotidie in usu legend! Blotting-paper was in use in England in the fifteenth century ; it is mentioned by William Herman, in his Vulgaria, , p. It is remarkable how persistent has been the use of sand as an ink absorbent, even down to the present day in foreign countries.

In England, too, in spite of the more convenient blotting-paper, it prevailed within present memory. As late as the year sand was used to dry writing in the Reading-room of the British Museum. In the next century the texture becomes finer. The earliest known water-mark, the age of which can be approximately fixed, is one on a paper of Bologna, used in the year ; and there are many others, from that and other Italian towns, which fall within the thirteenth century.

In process of time they become finer and more elaborate, and, particularly in Italian paper, they are enclosed within circles. Their variety is almost endless : animals, heads, birds, fishes, flowers, fruits, domestic and warlike implements, letters, armorial bearings, and other devices are used ; some being peculiar to a country or district, others apparently becoming favourites and lasting for comparatively long periods, biit constantly changing in details. For example, the glove, a common mark of the sixteenth century developes a number of small modifications in its progress ; and of the pot or tankard, which runs through the latter part of the sixteenth century and the early part of the seventeenth century, there is an extraordinary number of different varieties.

The names of makers were inserted as water-marks quite at the beginning of the fourteenth century ; but this practice was very soon abandoned, and was not revived until the sixteenth century. The insertion of the name of place of manufacture and of the date of manufacture is a modern usage. Briquet, Les Filigranes : Dictionnairc historique des marques du Papier, : a most exhaustive and valuable work on the subject.

The Stilus, Pen, etc. The butt-end was fashioned into a knob or flat head, wherewith the writing could be obliterated by smoothing the wax, for correction or erasure : hence the phrase vertere stilum, 1 to correct. Among the Roman antiquities found in Britain, now deposited in the British Museum, there are several specimens of the stilus, in ivory, bronze, etc.

The passage in Ovid, Metum. Incipit, et dubitat, scribit damnatciue tabellas, Et notat et delet, mutat, culpatque probatque. Here the stilus is simply ferrum. Blasien in the Black Forest and then to St. Paul in Lavanttal Stiftsbibliothek, cod. Only seven manuscripts of this edition are preserved, three of which are older than the present codex Paris, BN, lat.

The oldest manuscript within the group Cologne, Dombibliothek, ms. The codex was written by three different scribes. The main scribe fol. Palaeographic analysis reveals that this scribe came to the continent from an insular scriptorium and finally settled in northern Italy.

It is not ascertainable, however, in which northern Italian scriptorium the manuscript was written.


The palaeographic indications cannot be used to date the manuscript to a specific year, but it is very likely that it was executed in the years around , making the present manuscript contemporary with the famous copy of the Canones compilation, the so-called Dionysio-Hadriana ,which was presented to the Frankish ruler Charlemagne by Pope Hadrian I in Rome in After the presentation, the wording of the statute book was made compulsory for the Frankish empire, and numerous transcripts of the codex, originally kept in Aachen and now lost, were produced.

Note: I reformatted the description somewhat for this database, and left out the bibliographical references cited at the end of Dr. Gunther's description. The hyperlinks are my additions. The Utrecht Psalter , one of the most influential of ninth century illuminated manuscripts, with among the most unusual histories of ownership, contains pen illustrations, one accompanying each of psalms and 16 canticles in the manuscript.

It was written in imitation rustic capitals. It may have been sponsored by Ebbo, Archbishop of Reims , in which case it would be dated between and The Utrecht Psalter has been characterized as "the most frequently studied of all illuminated books" van der Horst 24 , the authors of which also state that "it occupies a prominent position in every handbook or outline of the history of Western art. Rhenotraiectinae I Nr. The manuscript had reached Canterbury Cathedral by c. The last copy is a fine version in full colour with gold backgrounds that is known as the "Anglo-Catalan Psalter" or MS Lat.

This was half-illustrated by an English artist in about , and completed by a Catalan artist in , naturally using a different Gothic style. The images are necessarily somewhat simplified, and the number of figures reduced. It reached Utrecht University in , at which point it was incorporated into the University Library. It was rediscovered in the library in Although it is hardly likely that this single manuscript was solely responsible for beginning an entire new phase, the style which developed from it is sometimes known as the 'Utrecht' style of outline drawing, and survived almost unchanged into the s Wormald.

Other members of the group are the Golden Psalter of St. Gall and the Drogo Sacramentary, which made the important innovation of placing most illustrations in inhabited initials. The Byzantine Chludov Psalter represents a comparable tradition in the East Hinks, , and the Reims style was also influenced by artists fleeing Byzantine iconoclasm Berenson, Meyer Schapiro is among those who have proposed that the Psalter copied illustrations from a Late Antique manuscript; apart from an original perhaps of the 4th or 5th centuries, details of the iconography led him to believe in an intermediary Latin model' of after about Shapiro, 77, and passim.

That the miniatures are in large part based on an earlier manuscript, initially disputed by some Tselos, etc. The Utrecht Psalter in Medieval Art. Picturing the Psalms of David The first facsimile of the Utrecht psalter was published as Latin Psalter in the University Library of Utrecht in A second printed facsimile was published in Graz, Austria, in In February a digital facsimile was available from the University Library of Utrecht at this link.

One of three surviving illustrated manuscripts of the Bible produced in Tours at the Benedictine abbey of St. It was probably created during the abbacy of either Adalhard or Vivien or slightly earlier in the transition period between the abbacies of Fridigus and Adalhard. It derived from ancient Roman Half-uncial scripts, incorporating features from local hands.

It is a mature script of enduring quality. It was to be copied and adapted in succeeding centuries by scribes in England, Germany and Italy. Humanist scribes revived it, early in the 15th century, as an appropriate hand for the copying of classical texts. The first Italian printers then adopted it, and it has remained the baiss of Western typography to this day.

Even some of the largers scripts of the Gospels and psalters made at Tours eg. British Library Harley Mss. From Tours the manuscript passed to the Benedictine abbey of Moutier-Grandval , Jura, canton of Berne, Switzerland founded in by the abbaye of Luxeuil. It was bought from Verdat by Alexis Bennot d. He was first writer to translate entire books of fables into Latin, retelling in iambic meter the Greek prose fables of Aesop. This manuscript, probably written at Reims , may have been in the library of the Abbey of Fleury.

At the front of the volume, which was bound c. If the date is confirmed it may be the oldest surviving Hebrew codex. Preserved in its original limp vellum binding, and measuring about 11 x 10 cm, the page codex is written in an archaic form of Hebrew with Babylonian vowel pointing. That vowel pointing has led researchers to date the prayer book to the times of the Geonim Babylonian Talmudic leaders from to CE. When the discovery of the book was announced the press release stated that six distinct sections in the siddur had been identified:.

On September 26, the Green family also announced that in they planned to open a "yet-to-be named" Bible museum in Washington, D. It contains annotations in Greek hands of the 12th and 13th centuries. Two titles and a few words of the 13th-cent. Latin translation by William of Moerbeke were added. There were no commentaries on the biological works written until they were collectively translated into Arabic. The first appearance of Aristotle's biological writings in the West are Latin translations of an Arabic edition by Michael Scot, which forms the basis of Albertus Magnus's De animalibus.

In the 13th century William of Moerbeke produced a Latin translation directly from the Greek. The first printed editions and translations date to the late 15th century, the most widely circulated being that of Theodorus Gaza. Whether one should consider De Anima On the soul part of this project or not is a difficult question. From the death of Arethas c.

Digital facsimile from Digital Bodleian at this link. The original manuscript of the Chronicle was probably created in Wessex. Copies were were distributed to monasteries across England, where they were independently updated. In one case, the Chronicle was still being actively updated in Much of the information in these documents consists of rumors of events that happened elsewhere and may be unreliable.

However for some periods and places, the chronicle is the only substantial surviving source of information. Sometimes with items important to the locals, such as the fertility of the harvest or the paucity of bees, would be eagerly recorded, whereas distant political events could be overlooked. A combination of the individual annals allows us to develop an overall picture, a document that was the first continuous history written by Europeans in their own language. There are nine surviving manuscripts of the Chronicle, of which eight are written entirely in Anglo-Saxon, while the ninth is in Anglo-Saxon with a translation of each annal into Latin.

This manuscript, preserved in the Parker Library at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, dates from the actual time of compilation—the last decade of the ninth century. With the digital facsimile is a highly informated annotation concerning the manuscript, its contents, and its provenance.

The earliest surviving illustrated surgical codex was written and illuminated in Constantinople for the Byzantine physician Niketas Nicetas about CE. It contains 30 full-page images illustrating the commentary of Apollonios of Kition on the Hippocratic treatise On Dislocations Peri Arthron and 63 smaller images scattered through the pages of the treatise on bandaging of Soranos of Ephesos.

The Apollonian paintings represent various manipulations and apparatus employed in reducing dislocations; each of the images is framed in the Byzantine style in an archway of ornate design. According to Vivian Nutton's article on the codex in Grafton et al eds. By it belonged to Guilio de' Medici, Pope Clement VII , "who loaned it back to Lascaris for a proposed and never completed edition of the medical and surgical texts it contained. This copy, illuminated by Santorinos of Rhodes, entered the library of Cardinal Ridolfi, who arranged for yet a third copy to be prepared by Christoph Auer and sent as a present to Francis I in Roots and Herbs -- fols.

Oils and Ointments. Trees -- fols. Wines and Minerals etc. The manuscript was bound in Byzantium in the 14th or 15th century in dark brown leather blind tooled in a lozenge pattern over heavy boards. It was in Constantinople in the 15th century, where it was owned by an Arabic-speaking person, who added inscriptions in Arabic and genitalia to some animals.

In the 16th century it remained in Constantinople where was owned by Manuel Eugenicos, and listed in his library catalogue.

By the nineteenth century the manuscript was in Italy where it was owned by Domenico Sestini, ca. Later it was in the collection of Marchese C. Rinuccini, Florence, MS Cod. From the middle of the nineteenth century it appears to have been in England with the booksellers John Thomas Payne and Henry Foss, London, In J. Morgan Jr. Only a tiny number went to the lengths that Grosseteste did to learn Greek with the aim of obtaining, reading and translating these works. The bishop sent envoys to Athens and MS Ff. They identified within the text various passages prophesying the coming of Christ.

In translating the text, Grosseteste intended it to be used to convince Jews to convert to Christianity. Opinion is divided as to whether it is a Christian work that draws on Jewish sources or a Jewish work with Christian prophetic passages inserted. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. Cambridge MS Ff. Includes the annotations of Robert Grossetest.

This is p. Its consignor at the auction, Anne Guersan, said that her father, Marie Louis Sirieux, acquired the book from in Constantinople in the s. In , her father-in-law Solomon Guerson, a French Jewish merchant in rare carpets and antique tapestries working in Paris, tried selling the palimpsest, and a manuscript curator identified a leaf as Folio 57 of the Archimedes Manuscript. It seems Guerson used leaves from his manuscripts to make elaborate forgeries. The paintings were forged after as they contain a synthetic pigment called phlalocyanine green , which was only available after that date.

Christie's, Inc. The judge ruled in favor of Anne Guerson and Christie's. This page is preserved in Cambridge University Library. Heiberg took photographs, from which he produced transcriptions published between and in his edition of the complete works of Archimedes. This was directed by Dr. Toth of R. Toth Associates, with Dr.

Abigail Quandt performing the conservation of the manuscript. Roger L. Easton, Jr. William A. Christens-Barry from Equipoise Imaging, and Dr. Keith Knox then with Boeing LTS, now with USAF Research Laboratory used computer processing of digital images from various spectral bands, including ultraviolet, visible, and infrared wavelengths to reveal most of the underlying text, including of Archimedes.

The team digitally processed these images to reveal more of the underlying text with pseudocolor. They also digitized the original Heiberg images. It appeared that these had rendered the underlying text forever illegible. Uwe Bergman and Bob Morton to begin deciphering the parts of the page text that had not yet been revealed.

The resulting light beam has characteristics that make it ideal for revealing the intricate architecture and utility of many kinds of matter—in this case, the previously hidden work of one of the founding fathers of all science. Will Noel said in an interview: "You start thinking striking one palimpsest is gold, and striking two is utterly astonishing. But then something even more extraordinary happened. The set was designed by Jerry Kelly. Scans of the entire palimpsest are freely available at www.

The text of the prayer book is seen from top to bottom, the original Archimedes manuscript is seen as fainter text below it running from left to right. It is unique among the seventy-five illuminated Byzantine psalters that survived for its large size, for the quality of script and text decoration, and for its fourteen magnificent full-page images, seven of which are bound one after another depicting events of David's life in chronological order, the remaining seven connected with the text. The composition was probably based on a Graeco-Roman wall painting that depicted Orpheus charming the world with his music.

He was the most generous of patrons—to writers and scholars, artists and craftsmen. Finally, he was an excellent Emperor: a competent, conscientious and hard-working administrator and an inspired picker of men, whose appointments to military, naval, ecclesiastical, civil and academic posts were both imaginative and successful. He did much to develop higher education and took a special interest in the administration of justice" Norwich p.

Among the classicizing features are personifications that have been incorporated in the compositions. In the scene of Moses receiving the tablets from God on Mount Sina fol. Identified as Mount Sinai by the inscription, he holeds a dead tree stump, which together with his nakedness, signifies the barren wateland of the setting. IN the upper-left corner Moses stretches upward to the hand of God to read for the tablets. At the summit of the moutain the Burning Bush is visible. Bel;ow, in the center, a group of Israelites engaged in conversation awaits Moses' return.

To the right, on an almost separate plan, Moses is shown again, this time attentively listening to God's instructions on how to build the temp that will house the Tablets of the Law. His finger-to-chin gesture indicates that he is thinking. These figures are suually interpreted as the clearest sign of a revived interest in the antique. For this reason the Paris Psalter as a whole has served as one of the key docuemnts supporting the notion of a Macdedonian renaissance during the tenth century.

The large full-age illustrations ahve also given rise to the theory of an 'aristocratic' system of psalter illumination in Byzantium. Catalogue of an Exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Digital facsimile of the complete psalter from BnF Gallica at this link. Paris Psalter BnF Ms. It also contains several layers of annotations, glosses, and commentaries known as the "A scholia. The manuscript, also includes a summary of the early Greek Epic Cycle which is considered the most important source of information on those lost poems. At the end of most of the books of the poem there is a subscription, attributing many of the scholia to four Homeric scholars from antiquity.

This was translated as follows:. These and some other works are for the most part lost, except for fragments preserved in the scholia of Venetus A. His surname "bronze-guts" came from his nearly incredible productivity: he was said to have written so many books that he was unable to recollect what he had written in earlier ones, and so often contradicted himself. The repeated subscriptions in the Venetus A identify the areas of Homeric studies to which each of the four contributed.

Aristonicus wrote on the topic of editorial symbols attached to the text. Herodian wrote on questions of prosody, that is poetic meter. Nicanor wrote about punctuation. And Didymus wrote about the earlier editorial work of the Alexandrian scholar Aristarchus. The D Scholia appear on several Byzantine and medieval manuscripts of the Iliad and generally contain information about mythology, the meanings of obscure words and pieces of allegorical interpretation.

On the Venetus A the D Scholia appear as interlinear notes written in a semiuncial script and are largely 'glosses,' short defintions of words in the poems. One of the most interesting aspects of the D Scholia is their lemmata, the Homeric passages that a scholion may quote before commenting. In many cases, these lemmata do not match the Homeric text that appears in the manuscript. Thus, these scholia may offer insights into alternative versions of the text, other examples of traditional material that fell out of the common text of the Iliad by the ninth century, but are preserved here and there in brief quotations by the scholiasts, the writers of these marginal notes.

This work exists only in a fragmentary state in the Vatican Library Vaticanus Graecus , and the rest of what we know of its contents comes from close reading of various scholia on Homeric manuscripts. The scholiastic material that comes from this work is valuable for a number of reasons, although its value has not always been appreciated.

For much of the 19th and 20th centuries, scholars dismissed Porphyry as telling us little about Homeric poetry itself, but much about the literary 'parlor games' played by intelligent aristocrats in antiquity. But these scholia preserve some observations on Homeric poetry made by Aristotle and Plato, which in turn can tell us about the particular vocabulary these ancient thinkers used when they discussed epic poetry, and thus much about the ancient experience of listening to this poetry.

These get their name from the Townley Manuscript of the Iliad , an eleventh-century codex now in the British Museum BM, Burney 86 ; this manuscript is believed to have been one of several copied from an even older manuscript, which is now lost, to which scholars refer by the siglum 'b', hence the 'bT' scholia. These scholia, which may also be derived from the work of Porphyry, offer explanations of thematic matters found in the Iliad , cultural practices, questions of cosmology or theology, and so forth.

These scholia have not enjoyed a high reputation among scholars. Their most famous critic, K. Lehrs, said that 'not one word in them is to be believed," nullum unum verbum iis credendum esse. But more recent students of this material have found them more valuable, suggesting that they offer important insight into how the ancient Greeks understood Homer, but also provide more access to the work of Aristarchus at the Library of Alexandria.

How and when Venetus A was transported to Italy is uncertain. Aristarchum super Iliade in duobus voluminibus, opus quoddam spatiosum et pretiosissimum; aliud commentum super Iliade, cuius eundem auctorem esse puto et illius quod ex me Nicolaus noster habuit super Ulixiade. This has been interpretted as a reference to the codices of the Iliad known as Venetus A and B.

In Bessarion donated his library to the Republic of Venice; he continued to add to it until his death in By preserving so many Greek texts Bessarion became one of those most influential on the revival of Greek literature during the Renaissance. This was the first publication of any Iliadic scholia other than the "D" scholia the scholia minora.

Because of the complexity of the writing on each page of Venetus A, Villoison's work represented a very impressive work of scholarship and a high level of technical achievement in the printing of Greek. In April high resolution images of each page in Villoison's page work were available from the Center for Hellenic Studies at Harvard at this link.

Once available to scholars, the A and B scholia were a catalyst for several new ideas from the scholar Friedrich August Wolf. In reviewing Villoison's edition, Wolf realized that these scholia proved conclusively that the Homeric epics had been transmitted orally for an unknown length of time before they were written down.

The Monetary Theory of Production

Codex Venetus A, Marcianus Phototypice editus. Praefatus est Dominicus Comparetti, and published in Leiden by A. However, the technology of the time could not reproduce all of the small script in the manuscript legibly. The availability of truly legible images of all the text in these manuscripts resulted in insights published in as Hellenic Studies 35, entitled Recapturing a Homeric Legacy. In April this book was available online from homermultitext. Also in April high resolution images of each page in Venetus A and B were available from the same source at this link.

The site stated that "This site publishes editions of texts from Byzantine manuscripts using the Canonical Text Services protocol. The service is primarily intended for automated use by other computer programs, but you can follow the links below to to browse and read texts. However, in April a much easier to use digital facsimile of that manuscript was available from the British Library at this link. This period saw a rise in monastic activity and productivity under the renewed influence of Benedictine principles and standards.

This book has been widely assumed to be the Exeter Codex as it survives today.


During the bishopric of Leofric, the cathedral library at Exeter was the fourth largest in England. Of those, about twenty remain extant. The list consists of 31 books used to conduct cathedral services, 24 other ecclesiastical works, and 11 works that were secular. This last group included philosophical works as well as poetry Pierpont Morgan in the Theodore Irwin collection purchased in It was written on vellum painted various shades of purple using dye made from berries.

The leaves vary in color from mauve to slate blue. It was written in an uncial hand in burnished gold letters. The particular special type of uncial used was "heretofore unrecorded" until this manuscript was studied by E. It was written by at least sixteen different scribes. When I wrote this entry in March , this was the largest number of different scribes that I had heard of being identified with the writing of a medieval manuscript.

According to E. Lowe, it is "one of the finest, if not the finest purple manuscript in existence. This form of ostentation, however, was frowned upon by the Fathers. In his oft-quoted preface to Job, St. Jerome d. If we may judge by what remains of such Latin books, the Gospels and the Psalater were the favorites. The oldest of them date from the late fifth and sixth centuries and they are all in letters of silver, gold having been reserved for the N omina scara dominus, deus, Iesus , etc.

The Latin manuscripts are devoid of decorative initials and lack all prefatory matter and capitularies; the text is Old-Latin, i. They are so few in number that I enumerate them here:. Codex Veronensis b. Uncial; saec v ex. Facs: C. Codex Neapolitanus, olim Vindobonensis i. Uncial; saec v ex Facs: C. Codex Palatinus e.

Tradition and Perspectives

Trent, Mus. Add Uncial asec. Codex Sarzanensis j. Sarezzano, Bibl. Parrocchiale s. Uncial; saec VI in. Fac: C. Brescia, Bibl. Queriniana s. Uncial; saec VI. Psalterium Sangermanense. Paris, Bibl. Uncial; saec. Only six or seven have survived. They are all, with one exception, in silver letters, and none is apparently older than the sixth century. It flourished agin in the Corolingian period, as is attested by several surviving manuscripts de luxe. Here and there we encounter magnificent books written on ordinary parchment whose beauty was enhanced by the addition of a few purple leaves.

It is important to note that in the oldest purple manuscripts as well as in Carolingian codices purpurei the membranes are dyed, whereas in manuscripts of the Ottonian period the urple leaves, apart from the few imported from Byzantium, are painted, as is the case in our Morgan manuscript. It not only involved costly material, it also demanded special skill. For writing with the unusual sticky medium which could take the gold leaf was difficult even for the best of scribes.

It is theefore surprising to find no record of our splendid manuscript before the beginning of the last century. There is not a single contemporary marginal note or later entry which could throw any light on the vicissitudes of the volume during the entire period of the Middle Ages" Lowe, op. Lowe's paper on the Morgan Golden Gospels was reprinted in E. Lowe, Palaeographical Papers II ff. Reproduced from an image reproduced in Forbes, It remained in its burnt binding until the middle of the nineteenth century, when Sir Frederic Madden , Keeper of Manuscripts at the British Museum, undertook to restore these damaged manuscripts in his care.

His bookbinder first traced the outline of each burnt leaf, cut out the center of the tracing except for a retaining edge of about 2mm, and pasted and taped the vellum leaf to the paper frame. Then he rebound the framed leaves in a new cover. The method well preserved the fragile bits of text along the burnt edges of the leaves, but the retaining edges of the paper mounts, and the paste and tape used to secure the leaves to them, hide from view many hundreds of letters and bits of letters.

Today they are visible only if one holds a bright light directly behind them, an ineffectual solution if one lacks the manuscript, the bright light, or the permission to use them together" The Electronic Beowulf , , accessed First published separately, with the Histories written and issued first, these two works were meant to form a continuous historical narrative in thirty books.

Only about half of Tacitus's original thirty books survived, and their survival was dependent on just two manuscripts. The first six books of the Annals survived in a single manuscript written in Germany about , probably in the Benedictine Abbey of Fulda. When I first read about this manuscript around its date was estimated at circa ; however in the Laurenziana estimated its date as It is generally agreed that it was copied from a text written in 'insular' script which was copied from a manuscript in 'rustic capitals', and it has been suggested that this latter was at least 4th and probably 3rd century, based on an analysis of errors made in copying the titulature and colophons of each book, which are most easily explained if these errors occurred in copying a volume written in the early period in which prose texts were normally written in comparatively large letters and very narrow columns, and the colophons were not laid out in the manner common in 5th century and later books.

There it remained, apparently without ever being copied. A letter of Pope Leo X of December 1, indicates that it had been stolen, and that Leo had paid a large amount of money for it. At all events it passed into the hands of Pope Leo X. This is referred to as M. Like source M, this codex is dated by the Laurentiana to It derives from an ancestor written in Rustic Capitals, as it contains errors of transcription natural to that bookhand. However Boccaccio had certainly seen the text by , and the MS is listed among the books given by him at his death to the monastery of S.

Spirito in Florence. Whether he had 'liberated' it, or acquired it from another collector who had done so has been extensively debated, without final result. That Niccolo had not acquired the MS legitimately is suggested by a letter to him from his friend Poggio Bracciolini , asking to see it and promising to keep quiet about it. Knowledge of the text among the humanists is correspondingly limited in this period. They were rescued, as the phrase goes, by some humanist, who was probably none other than Boccaccio. To Petrarch the works of Tacitus and Varro were only known in name.

The first to use these authors was Boccaccio; and this good fortune was granted him towards the end of his life. There can be no doubt that he possessed the Beneventan manuscripts of Tacitus and Varro which are now in the Laurentian library. This may be seen, on the one hand, from the copies of these manuscripts which he left in the Convent of S. Spirito in Florence, which correspond perfectly with the original; and from the fact that Boccaccio's citations from Varro and Tacitus, in his Geneologia deorum and De claris mulieribus , as Pierre de Nolhac has shown, are taken only from books preserved in the Beneventan manuscripts, and from no others.

We have reason to believe they were not presented to him during his visits to Monte Cassino. Attracted by the fame of the abbey, as he told his pupil Benvenuto da Imola , he paid it a visit. He found the library shamefully neglected, without bolt or lock, grass growing in the windows, dust thick on the books, monks using the precious manuscripts for turning out prayer-books, which they sold for a few soldi to women and children. It all sounds uncommonly like an apology. He seems to be anxious to show that it was only act of simple piety to remove the precious classics to a place of safety, say to Florence.

Scio enim omnem illam cantilenam, et unde exierit et per quem et quis eum sibi vendicet; sed nil dubites, non exibit a me ne verbo quidem. Poggio's statement was translated as, "When the Cornelius Tacitus comes I shall keep it hidden with me for I know that whole song, 'Where did it come from and who brought it here? Who claims it for his own? Cornelii Taciti ab excessu divi Augusti libros XI ab undecimo nimirum usque ad vigesimum primum inclusive. Bibliotheca Medicea Laurenziana. The image is of leaf 3r.

The Codex Ebnerianus , a Greek language illuminated manuscript of the New Testament, was probably written in Constantinople at the beginning of the 12th century during the Comnenian Period. While the codex belonged to Ebner von Eschenbach in the scholar Conrad Schoenleben issued a pamphlet on it entitled Egregii codicis graeci Novi Testamenti manuscripti quem Noribergae servat vir illustris Hieronymous Gvilielmus Ebner.

The Codex Ebnerianus is preserved in the Bodleian Library. McCray also mentions that Schoenleben's pamphlet was incorporated by De Murr in his Memorabilia Bibliothecarum publicarum Norimbergensium published in , part ii. To that version De Murr added "thirteen well-engraved plates of the illuminations, binding and text. It was formerly bound in leather-covered boards, ornamented with gold, with five silver-gilt stars on the sides, and fastened with four silver clasps. This covering being much decayed, Ebner cased the volume in a most costly binding of pure silver, preserving the silver stars, and affixing on the outside a beautiful ivory figure coaeval with the MS.

Above the figure, Ebner engraved an inscription in Greek characters, corresponding to the style of the MS. Schoenleben's page pamphlet concerning the Codex Ebnerianus with two illustrations was the first publication about a specific medieval manuscript, and also probably the first publication on a specific book in a private library.

It has been suggested that it was produced for Roger de Mowbray d. The book also contains three commemorations to Augustine of Hippo, which has led some scholars to conclude that the manuscript might have been created for a house of Augustinian Canons , or by someone with a connection to the Augustinian order. For most of its history, it was thought to have been the product of a scriptorium in the north of England, owing to its inclusion of a number of.

It has been suggested that a single master oversaw the work of several assistants, and it has also been put forth that it is the work of an artist working alone, copying and adapting templates from other illuminated manuscripts. It is thought to have been the work of skilled tradesmen, not monks" Wikipedia article on Hunterian Psalter, accessed The rock of the Acropolis, outside the earliest of the city-walls, was the proper place for the trial of persons charged with premeditated homicide, or with wounding with intent to kill.

On the Areopagus.

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The penalty for the former crime was death; for the latter exile; and, in either case, the property was confiscated. If the votes were equal, the person accused was acquitted. The proceedings lasted for three days, and each side might make two speeches. After the first speech the person accused of premeditated homicide was mercifully permitted to go into exile, in which case his property was confiscated, and in the ordinary course he remained in exile for the rest of his life. Charges of unpremeditated homicide, or of instigating another to inflict bodily harm on a third person, or of killing a slave or a resident alien or a foreigner, were tried at the Palladion, At the Palladion.

The punishment for unpremeditated homicide was exile without confiscation until such time as the criminal had propitiated the relatives of the person slain, or failing that for some definite time. The punishment for instigating a crime was the same as for actually committing it. Trials at the Delphinion, the shrine of Apollo At the Delphinion. At Phreatto. Delphinios, in the same quarter, were reserved for special cases of either accidental or justifiable homicide. If the accused were found guilty, he incurred the proper penalty; if acquitted, he remained in exile.

The court in the precincts of the Prytaneum, to the north of the Acropolis, was only of ceremonial importance. In all the courts of homicide the president was the archon-basileus, or king-archon, who on these occasions laid aside his crown. The transfer of the first of the above courts to the council of the Areopagus is attributed to Solon. Neaeram , Except in the case of the primitive courts of homicide, the right of jurisdiction was entrusted to the several archons until the date of Solon The chief archon.

The king-archon. In their new position as presidents of the several courts, the archons received plaints, obtained from both parties the evidence which they proposed to present, formally presided at the trial, and gave instructions for the execution of the sentence. The choice of the presiding magistrate in each case was determined by the normal duties of his office. Thus the chief archon, the official guardian of orphans and The polemarch.

The strategi. The thesmothetae. The king-archon had charge of all offences against religion, e. The third archon, the polemarch, discharged in relation to resident aliens all such legal duties as were discharged by the chief archon in relation to citizens c.

The trial of military offences was under the presidency of the strategi, who were assisted by the other military officers in preparing the case for the court. The six junior archons, the thesmothetae , acted as a board which was responsible for all cases not specially assigned to any other officials details in c. The Forty, who were appointed by lot, four for each of the ten tribes, acted as sole judges in petty cases where the damages claimed did not exceed ten drachmae.

Claims beyond that amount they handed over to the arbitrators. The Forty. The four representatives of any given tribe received notice of such claims brought against members of that tribe. It seems probable that they dealt with all private suits not otherwise assigned, but, unlike the archons, they did not prepare any case for the court but referred it, in the first instance, to a public arbitrator appointed by lot c.

The arbitrator, on receiving the case from the four representatives of the Forty, first endeavoured to bring the parties The public arbitrators. If this failed, he heard the evidence and gave a decision. If the decision were accepted, the case was at an end, but, if either of the two parties insisted on appealing to a law-court, the arbitrator placed in two caskets one for each party copies of all the depositions, oaths and challenges, and of all the laws quoted in the case, sealed them up, and, after attaching a copy of his own decision, handed them over to the four representatives of the Forty, who brought the case into court and presided over the trial.

Documents which had not been brought before the arbitrator could not be produced in court. The name, which is of uncertain origin, 4 denotes not only the place where the court was held but also the members Heliaea. During the palmy days of the Athenian democracy, in the interval between the Persian and the Peloponnesian wars, the total number liable to serve as jurors is said to have been Aristotle, u. Any Athenian citizen in full possession of his rights, and over thirty years of age, was entitled to be placed on the list Aristotle, u. It has been suggested that, as the normal number of a court was , the maximum number of jurors was probably divided into ten sections of each, with reserves.

There is evidence in the 4th century for courts of , , , and in important political trials various multiples of , namely, , , or To some of these numbers one juror is added; it was probably added to all, to obviate the risk of the votes being exactly equal. The evidence as to the organization of the jurors in the early part of the 4th century is imperfect. Passages in Aristophanes Ecclesiazusae , ; Plutus , f. Every juror, on his first appointment, received a ticket of boxwood or of bronze bearing his name with that of his father and his deme, and with one of the above letters in the upper left-hand corner.

These tickets formed part of the machinery for allotting the jurors to the several courts. To guard against the possibility of bribery or other undue influence, the allotment did not take place until immediately before the hearing of the case. Each court contained an equal number of jurors from each of the ten tribes, and thus represented the whole body of the state.

The juror, on entering the court assigned him, received a counter see fig. Gilbert, , Eng. The council also retained the right to deal with extraordinary crimes against the state. It was open to any citizen to bring such crimes to the knowledge of the council in writing. Meidias , 86 f. The leading example of the former is the trial of the accusers who prompted the people to put to death the generals who had won the Battle of Arginusae Xen.

A private suit could only be brought by the man directly interested, or, in the case of a slave, a ward or an alien, by the master, guardian or patron respectively; and, if the suit were successful, the sum claimed generally went to the plaintiff. Public actions may be divided into ordinary criminal cases, and offences against the state.

As a rule they could be instituted by any person who possessed the franchise, and the penalty was paid to the state. These could only be employed when the offence was patent and could not be denied. In the first, the person accused was summarily arrested by the prosecutor and haled into the presence of the proper official. In the second, the accuser took the officer with him to arrest the culprit Dem. In the third, he lodged an information with the official, and left the latter to effect the capture. If the defendant failed to appear in court, these witnesses gave proof of the summons, and judgment went by default.

The action was begun by presenting a written statement of the case to the magistrate who presided over trials of the class in question. If the statement were accepted, court-fees were paid by both parties in a private action, and by the prosecutor alone in a public action. The person who submitted the special plea in bar of action naturally spoke first, and, if he gained the verdict, the main suit could not come on, or, at any rate, not in the way proposed or before the same court.

In the preliminary examination copies of the laws or other documents bearing on the case were produced. If any such document were in the hands of a third person, he could be compelled to produce it by an action for that Documents. The depositions were ordinarily made before the presiding officer and were taken down in his presence.

The depositions of slaves were not accepted, unless made under torture, and for receiving such evidence the consent of both parties was required. Either party could challenge the other to submit his slaves to the Challenges. Mercantile cases had to be decided within the interval of a month; others might be postponed for due cause. If the plea for delay were refused by the court, and it were the defendant who failed to appear, judgment went by default; in the absence of the plaintiff, the case was given in favour of the defendant. The official who had conducted the preliminary inquiry also presided at the trial.

The proceedings began with a solemn sacrifice. The plea of the plaintiff and the formal reply of the defendant were then read by the clerk. The court was next addressed first by the plaintiff, next by the defendant; in some cases there were two speeches on each side. Every litigant was legally required to conduct his own case. The length of the speeches was in many cases limited by law to a fixed time recorded by means of a water-clock clepsydra.

Documents were not regarded as part of the speech, and, while these were being read, the clock was stopped Goethe found a similar custom in force in Venice in October The witnesses were never cross-examined, but one of the litigants might formally interrogate the other. The case for the defence was sometimes finally supported by pathetic appeals on the part of relatives and friends. When the speeches were over, the votes were taken. Each of the jurors received a shell, which he placed in one of the two urns, in that to the front if he voted for acquittal; in that to the back if he voted for condemnation.

If a second vote had to be taken to determine the amount of the penalty, wax tablets were used, on which the juror drew a long line, if he gave the heavy penalty demanded by the plaintiff; a short one, if he decided in favour of the lighter penalty proposed by the defendant. In the 4th century the mussel-shells were replaced by disks of bronze. This tube was either perforated or closed see figs. One of each kind was given to every juror, who was required to use the perforated or the closed disk, according as he voted for the plaintiff or for the defendant. On the platform there were two urns, one of bronze and one of wood.

The juror placed in the hollow of his hand the disk that he proposed to use, and closed his fingers on the extremity of the tube, so that no one could see whether it were a perforated disk or not, and then deposited it in the bronze urn, and with the same precaution to ensure secrecy dropped the unused disk into the wooden urn. The votes were sorted by persons appointed by lot, and counted by the president of the court, and the result announced by the herald. For any second vote the same procedure was adopted Aristotle, u. Pecuniary penalties were inflicted both in public and in private suits; personal penalties, in public suits only.

Imprisonment before trial was common, and persons mulcted in penalties might be imprisoned until the penalties were paid, but imprisonment was never inflicted as the sole penalty after conviction. Foreigners alone could be sold into slavery. In later times he was compelled to drink the fatal draught of hemlock.

Common malefactors were beaten to death with clubs. In private suits the sentence was executed by the state if the latter had a share in any fine imposed, or if imprisonment were part of the penalty. From the verdict of the heliaea there was no appeal. The large number of the jurors made bribery difficult, but, as was first proved by Anytus in , not impossible.

It also diminished the feeling of personal responsibility, while it increased the influence of political motives. In Character of the Athenian tribunals. Speakers were also tempted to take advantage of the popular ignorance by misinterpreting the enactments of the law, and the jurors could look for no aid from the officials who formally presided over the courts. The latter were not necessarily experts, for they owed their own original appointment to the caprice of the lot.

Almost the only officials specially elected as experts were the strategi, and these presided only in their own courts. Again, there was every temptation for the informer to propose the confiscation of the property of a wealthy citizen, who would naturally prefer paying blackmail to running the risk of having his case tried before a large tribunal which was under every temptation to decide in the interests of the treasury. In conclusion we may quote the opinions on the judicial system of Athens which have been expressed by two eminent classical scholars and English lawyers.

A translator of Aristophanes, Mr B. On the other hand, the Athenians were naturally the quickest and cleverest people in the world. Their wits were sharpened by the habit Greek Law. Philologie Leipzig, ; H. Attic Law. Sandys London, ; Lysias, ed. Frohberger Leipzig, ; Isaeus, ed. Wyse Cambridge, ; Demosthenes, Private Orations , ed. Paley and Sandys, ed. Goodwin Cambridge, ; Dareste, Haussoullier, Th. Hermann, De vestigiis institutorum Gilbert, Gk. Constitutional Antiquities vol.

Lipsius, 1 new ed. Kennedy, Appendices to transl. Antiquities , ed. Jevons, in Gardner and Jevons, Greek Antiquities , pp. See also Frazer on Pausanias, i. Bonner, in Classical Philology Chicago, , , who urges that only cases belonging to the Forty were subject to public arbitration. Curt Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen , ii. The first is possibly right cf. Rogers on Aristoph. Wasps , xvii. Recht , These are dealt with below in that order.

B The Attic Literature B. C The Literature of the Decadence , B. For details regarding particular works or the lives of their authors reference should be made to the separate articles devoted to the principal Greek writers. The object of the following pages is to sketch the literary development as a whole, to show how its successive periods were related to each other, and to mark the dominant characteristics of each. A The Early Literature.

The Greeks were not literary imitators of foreign models; the forms of poetry and prose in which they attained to such unequalled excellence were first developed by themselves. Their literature had its roots in their political and social life; it is the spontaneous expression of that life in youth, maturity and decay; and the order in which its several fruits are produced is not the result of accident or caprice. Further, the old Greek literature has a striking completeness, due to the fact that each great branch of the Hellenic race bore a characteristic part in its development.

Ionians, Aeolians, Dorians, in turn contributed their share. Each dialect corresponded to a certain aspect of Hellenic life and character. Each found its appropriate work. The Ionians on the coast of Asia Minor—a lively and genial people, delighting in adventure, and keenly sensitive to everything bright and joyous—created artistic epic poetry out of the lays in which Aeolic minstrels sang of the old The dialects.

Achaean wars. And among the Ionians arose elegiac poetry, the first variation on the epic type. These found a fitting instrument in the harmonious Ionic dialect, the flexible utterance of a quick and versatile intelligence. The Aeolians of Lesbos next created the lyric of personal passion, in which the traits of their race—its chivalrous pride, its bold but sensuous fancy—found a fitting voice in the fiery strength and tenderness of Aeolic speech.

The Dorians of the Peloponnesus, Sicily and Magna Graecia then perfected the choral lyric for festivals and religious worship; and here again an earnest faith, a strong pride in Dorian usage and renown had an apt interpreter in the massive and sonorous Doric. Finally, the Attic branch of the Ionian stock produced the drama, blending elements of all the other kinds, and developed an artistic literary prose in history, oratory and philosophy.

It is in the Attic literature that the Greek mind receives its most complete interpretation. A natural affinity was felt to exist between each dialect and that species of composition for which it had been specially used. Hence the dialect of the Ionian epic poets would be adopted with more or less thoroughness even by epic or elegiac poets who were not Ionians.

Thus the Aeolian Hesiod uses it in epos, the Dorian Theognis in elegy, though not without alloy. Similarly, the Dorian Theocritus wrote love-songs in Aeolic. All the faculties and tones of the language were thus gradually brought out by the co-operation of the dialects. Old Greek literature has an essential unity—the unity of a living organism; and this unity comprehends a number of distinct types, each of which is complete in its own kind. Extant Greek literature begins with the Homeric poems. These are works of art which imply a long period of antecedent poetical cultivation.

Of the pre-Homeric poetry we have no remains, and very little knowledge. Such Pre-Homeric poetry. The first of these stages is that in which the agencies or forms of external nature were personified indeed, yet with the consciousness that the personal names were only symbols. Some very ancient Greek songs of which mention is made may Songs of the seasons.

Linus, the fair youth killed by dogs, seems to be the spring passing away before Sirius. Apollo, Demeter, Dionysus, Cybele, have now become to them beings with clearly conceived attributes. To this second stage belong Hymns. Some of their tribes were still in Asia; others were settling in the islands of the Aegean; others were passing through the lands on its northern seaboard. If there was a period when the Greeks possessed no poetry but hymns forming part of a religious ritual, it may be conjectured that it was not of long duration.

Already in the Iliad a secular character belongs to the marriage hymn and to the dirge for the dead, which in ancient India were chanted by the priest. The bent of the Greeks was to claim poetry and music as public joys; they would not long have suffered them to remain sacerdotal mysteries. And among the earliest themes on which the lay artist in poetry was employed were probably war-ballads, sung by minstrels in the houses of the chiefs whose ancestors they celebrated.

Such war-ballads were the materials from which the earliest epic poetry of Greece was constructed. Epic poetry is the only kind of extant Greek poetry which is older than about B. After the Dorian conquest of the Peloponnesus, the Aeolian emigrants who settled in the north-west of Asia Minor brought with them the warlike legends of their chiefs, the Achaean princes of old. Among the seven places which claimed to be the birthplace of Homer, that which has the best title is Smyrna. The tradition is significant in regard to the origin and character of the Iliad , for in the Iliad we have Achaean ballads worked up by Ionian art.

A preponderance of evidence is in favour of the view that the Odyssey also, at least in its earliest form, was composed on the Ionian coast of Asia Minor. According to the Spartan account, Lycurgus was the first to bring to Greece a complete copy of the Homeric poems, which he had obtained from the Creophylidae, a clan or gild of poets in Samos. A better authenticated tradition connects Athens with early attempts to preserve the chief poetical treasure of the nation.

Nor can it be determined what exactly it was that Solon and Hipparchus respectively did for the Homeric poems. At any rate, we know that in the 6th century B. In the 5th century B. Among these were the editions of Massilia, of Chios and of Argolis. The recension of the poems by Aristarchus B. The oldest Homeric MS. The ancient Greeks were almost unanimous in believing the Iliad and the Odyssey to be the work of one man, Homer, to whom they also ascribed some extant hymns, and probably much more besides.

Aristotle and Aristarchus seem The Homeric question. It is not till about B. Those who followed them in assigning different authors to the two poems were called the Separators Chorizontes. Giovanni Battista Vico, a Neapolitan , seems to have been the first modern to suggest the composite authorship and oral tradition of the Homeric poems; but this was a pure conjecture in support of his theory that the names of ancient lawgivers and poets are often mere symbols. Wolf, in the Prolegomena to his edition , was the founder of a scientific scepticism.

The Iliad , he said for he recognized the comparative unity and consistency of the Odyssey , was pieced together from many small unwritten poems by various hands, and was first committed to writing in the time of Peisistratus. This view was in harmony with the tone of German criticism at the time; it was welcomed as a new testimony to the superiority of popular poetry, springing from fresh natural sources, to elaborate works of art; and it at once found enthusiastic adherents. For the course of Homeric controversy since Wolf the reader is referred to the article Homer. The Ionian school of epos produced a number of poems founded on the legends of the Trojan war, and intended as introductions or continuations to the Iliad and the Odyssey.

The grammarian Proclus A. The Nostoi or Homeward Voyages , by Agias or Hagias of Troezen, filled up the gap of ten years between the Iliad and the Odyssey ; the Lay of Telegonus , by Eugammon of Cyrene, continued the story of the Odyssey to the death of Odysseus by the hand of Telegonus, the son whom Circe bore to him. The name of epic cycle was properly applied to a prose compilation of abstracts from these epics, pieced together in the order of the events.

The epic poetry of Ionia celebrated the great deeds of heroes in the old wars. But in Greece proper there arose another school of epos, which busied itself with religious lore and ethical precepts, especially in relation to the rural Hesiodic epos. This school is represented by the name of Hesiod. The legend spoke of him as vanquishing Homer in a poetical contest of Chalcis in Euboea; and it expresses the fact that, to the old Greek mind, these two names stood for two contrasted epic types.

Nothing is certainly known of his date, except that it must have been subsequent to the maturity of Ionian epos. He is conjecturally placed about B. His home was at Ascra, a village in a valley under Helicon, whither his father had migrated from Cyme in Aeolis on the coast of Asia Minor. Though it never possessed the character of a sacred book, it remained a standard authority on the genealogies of the gods.

So far as a corrupt and confused text warrants a judgment, the poet was piecing together—not always intelligently—the fragments of a very old cosmogonic system, using for this purpose both the hymns preserved in the temples and the myths which lived in folklore. The epic lay in lines called the Shield of Heracles —partly imitated from the 18th book of the Iliad —is the work of an author or authors later than Hesiod.

In the Hesiodic poetry, as represented by the Works and Days and the Theogony , we see the influence of the temple at Delphi. The poet is one whom the gods have authorized to impress doctrine and practical duties on men. A religious purpose was essentially characteristic of the Hesiodic school. Its poets treated the old legends as relics of a sacred history, and not merely, in the Ionian manner, as subjects of idealizing art. Such titles as the Maxims of Cheiron and the Lay of Melampus , the seer—lost poems of the Hesiodic school—illustrate its ethical and its mystic tendencies.

The Homeric Hymns are a collection of pieces, some of them very short, in hexameter verse. Their traditional title is— Hymns or Preludes of Homer and the Homeridae. The second of the alternative designations is the true one. The Homeric hymns. The pieces of which there are 33 range in date perhaps from to B. The style is that of the Ionian or Homeric epos; but there are also several traces of the Hesiodic or Boeotian school. The hymn to Apollo, quoted by Thucydides iii. Only a few lines remain. The Batracho myo machia , or Battle of the Frogs and Mice probably belongs to the decline of Greek literature, perhaps to the 2nd century B.

In the Iliad and the Odyssey the personal opinions or sympathies of the poet may sometimes be conjectured, but they are not declared or even hinted. Hesiod, indeed, sometimes gives us a glimpse of his own troubles or views. Transition from epos to elegy. Yet Hesiod is, on the whole, essentially a prophet. The message which he delivers is not from himself; the truths which he imparts have not been discovered by his own search. He is the mouthpiece of the Delphian Apollo.

Personal opinion and feeling may tinge his utterance, but they do not determine its general complexion. The egotism is a single thread; it is not the basis of the texture. Epic poetry was in Greece the foundation of all other poetry; for many centuries no other kind was generally cultivated, no other could speak to the whole people.

Politically, the age was monarchical or aristocratic; intellectually, it was too simple for the analysis of thought or emotion. Kings and princes loved to hear of the great deeds of their ancestors; common men loved to hear of them too, for they had no other interest. The mind of Greece found no subject of contemplation so attractive as the warlike past of the race, or so useful as that lore which experience and tradition had bequeathed. But in the course of the 8th century B. Monarchy gave place to oligarchy, and this—often after the intermediate phase of a tyrannis—to democracy.

Such a change was necessarily favourable to the growth of reflection. He begins to feel the need of expressing the thoughts and feelings that are stirred in him. But as yet a prose literature does not exist; the new thoughts, like the old heroic stories, must still be told in verse. The forms of verse created by this need were the Elegiac and the Iambic. The elegiac metre is, in form, a simple variation on the epic metre, obtained by docking the second of two hexameters so as to make it a verse of five feet or measures. But the poetical capabilities of the elegiac couplet are of a Elegy.

This was accompanied by the soft music of the Lydian flute, which continued to be associated with Greek elegy. The non-Hellenic origin of elegy is indicated by this very fact. The flute was to the Greeks an Asiatic instrument—string instruments were those which they made their own—and it would hardly have been wedded by them to a species of poetry which had arisen among themselves. The early elegiac poetry of Greece was by no means confined to mourning for the dead.

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War, love, politics, proverbial philosophy, were in turn its themes; it dealt, in fact, with the chief interest of the poet and his friends, whatever that might be at the time. This is its first characteristic. The second is that, even when most pathetic or most spirited, it still preserves, on the whole, the tone of conversation or of narrative. Greek elegy stops short of lyric passion. English elegy, whether funereal as in Dryden and Pope, or reflective as in Gray, is usually true to the same normal type.

Roman elegy is not equally true to it, but sometimes tends to trench on the lyric province. For Roman elegy is mainly amatory or sentimental; and its masters imitated, as a rule, not the early Greek elegists, not Tyrtaeus or Theognis, but the later Alexandrian elegists, such as Callimachus or Philetas. Catullus introduced the metre to Latin literature, and used it with more fidelity than his followers to its genuine Greek inspiration.

Elegy, as we have seen, was the first slight deviation from epos. But almost at the same time another species arose which had nothing in common with epos, either in form or in spirit. This was the iambic. The iambic metre was at first used for satire; and it was in this strain that it was chiefly employed by its earliest master of note, Archilochus of Paros B. But it was adapted to the expression generally of any pointed thought. Thus it was suitable to fables. Elegiac and iambic poetry both belong to the borderland between epic and lyric.

While, however, elegy stands nearer to epos, iambic stands nearer to the lyric. Iambic poetry can express the personal feeling of the poet with greater intensity than elegy does; on the other hand, it has not the lyric flexibility, self-abandonment or glow. As we see in the case of Solon, iambic verse could serve for the expression of that deeper thought, that more inward self-communing, for which the elegiac form would have been inappropriate.

But these two forms of poetry, both Ionian, the elegiac and the iambic, belong essentially to the same stage of the literature. They stand between the Ionian epos and the lyric poetry of the Aeolians and Dorians. The earliest of the Greek elegists, Callinus and Tyrtaeus, use elegy to rouse a warlike spirit in sinking hearts. Archilochus too wrote warlike elegy, but used it also in other strains, as in lament for the dead. The elegy of Mimnermus of Smyrna or Colophon is the plaintive farewell of an ease-loving Ionian to the days of Ionian freedom. In Solon elegy takes a higher range; it becomes political and ethical.

Another gnomic poet was Phocylides of Miletus; an admonitory poem extant under his name is probably the work of an Alexandrine Jewish Christian. Xenophanes gives a philosophic strain to elegy. With Simonides of Ceos it reverts, in an exquisite form, to its earliest destination, and becomes the vehicle of epitaph on those who fell in the Persian Wars. Iambic verse was used by Simonides or Semonides of Amorgus, as by Archilochus, for satire—but satire directed against classes rather than persons. But it was not until the rise of the Attic drama that the full capabilities of iambic verse were seen.

The lyric poetry of early Greece may be regarded as the final form of that effort at self-expression which in the elegiac and iambic is still incomplete. The lyric expression is deeper and more impassioned. Its intimate union Lyric poetry.